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Fourth of July Oration from Massachusetts on Eve of the Civil War
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Thus it is that though the subject of Slavery is constantly agitating the minds of the people, and their opinions are wholly at variance, yet there are many important elements which tend to bind them together. And we are all hoping for a time when these elements shall so combine as to form one universal sentiment with regard to Slavery. When the North shall not only use their voices, but their hearts and their money if necessary in behalf of the oppressed. When the South shall not only feel the injustice of their “peculiar institution” but shall see that interest alone requires them to unite in making this a truly free and independent nation.

Thou, too, sail on, O Ship of State! Sail on, O Union, strong and great! Humanity with all its fears, With all the hopes of future years, Is hanging breathless on thy fate!” (Longfellow)

[FOURTH OF JULY CELEBRATION]. Autograph Document, July 4, 1860, Hancock, MA. 14 pp., 8 x 10 in. Unknown author, ending by quoting Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s “O Ship of State.”

Inventory #25176       Price: $1,500

Excerpts:

A Constitution which has been the nucleus of our liberty, a guide for our actions, and though rebelled against and sneered at by some, it is esteemed by us as one of the proudest monuments of the departed great.

Agitation has ever gone hand in hand with reform, and never has any great and rapid progress been made with out it.

Agitation is the vitality of a nation, what the sap is to a tree, the blood to man.

Though on this Anniversary day I would present the brightest picture to your view, yet America like all else human has not arrived to a degree of perfection.

Many and varied have been the interests and measures which have tended at times to distract the Union. Yet that which exerts the most powerful influence in this direction at present, is the much talked of, hard headed, ‘irrepressible negro.’

So let us treat our Country, and on this the 84th birthday of our Nationality, let us remember kindly her faults and dwell with pleasure on her glories. Standing as we do on this high vantage ground, we can look back gratified with her past, and can only hope that her future may be as honorable and successful.

Historical Background

The Fourth of July oration was a key part of nineteenth-century American life. Delivered by one of the most respected members of the community on the most important national holiday, the Fourth of July oration “clarified and maintained American national values.”[1] Edward Everett, a master of nineteenth-century oratory, declared in an 1833 Fourth of July speech that the purpose of the occasion was to lead the mind “to those common topics of grateful recollection, which unite the patriotic feelings of every American.”[2]

Orations, like this one from an unknown speaker in the western Massachusetts village of Hancock, often dwelt on the virtues of George Washington, the Founding Fathers, the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and America’s manifest destiny. Many also discussed current issues and called hearers to emulate the virtues evident in America’s history. Although the speaker alludes to controversies over slavery and the ongoing presidential election, he remains confident that sectional divisions will heal.

This manuscript oration provides a fascinating snapshot of a portion of northern public sentiment on the eve of the Civil War. The Berkshire County Eagle (Pittsfield, Massachusetts) of July 5, 1860, reported that “Pic nics were the order of the day in this region on the fourth, and we had only to regret that we could not be present at a half dozen instead of two. At Richmond, a charming and spirited pic nic came off. So also at Hancock.”

The Civil War itself dealt a severe blow to the Fourth of July holiday. After the war, white southerners were no longer eager to observe the holiday, and in the North, interest in the traditional ceremonies also declined, although it experienced a revival at the centennial in 1876.

Condition

Minor soil, light wear.

Complete Transcript

Fourth of July Oration

Delivered at Hancock July 4th 1860 <1>

Mr. President & Friends,

            We have met to celebrate the 84th Anniversary of our National Independence. We celebrate a day fraught with interest not only to ourselves, but the whole civilized world. A day in which the noble, the revered, and the manly and the patriotic dared to meet, and declare to England & the world that henceforth we were to be a free and independent nation. We celebrate it as the day in which the first decisive blow in behalf of liberty was struck in our land.

            It is fitting then that we should come together for such an occasion as this, and unite our hearts & our voices in perpetuating the memory of that great event. It would be needless to present to your minds a minute narration of the events which transpired subsequent to the 4th of July 1776. What child is there present, who has not heard of the injustice and imposition practiced upon our forefathers. After striving against the many obstacles, which a new world ever presents, they were just gaining a stand point from which they might look back with pleasure upon the <2> scenes of the past and forward in anticipation of a glorious future. But at this period England claimed for herself a share of the spoils, and by taxing our imports hoped to increase her revenue. She had looked with disdain and contempt upon those noble men as they toiled on in adversity never lending them a helping hand, or uttering an encouraging word. But as prosperity smiled upon them, she was very ready to acknowledge her supremacy and her right to a portion of their wealth. But John Bull found when it was too late that the money which he had so eagerly grasped was most awfully hot. In vain did he snap his fingers, and swear at the insolent rebels. Deeper, and deeper sank the heated copper until at the close of eight years a wound was inflicted which the healing properties of three quarters of a century have not entirely cured. As he first reached forth his hand to receive the tax, it was boldly and firmly declare[d] to him “that taxation and representation were inseparable.” He sneered at it and the truth was thrust into him by the point of the bayonet. England then found that she was dealing with men, not fawning subjects, with men who had life and liberty to defend. Nobly did they <3> maintain their liberty and unflinchingly did they sacrifice their lives for the good of their Country. For eight years did they pour forth their blood in behalf of freedom, manfully sustaining the assaults of a powerful enemy, until by the timely assistance of France, they were enabled to obtain peace.

            Many at the present time are too apt to think, that with the peace of 1783, the struggle was ended and that prosperity smiled upon us. But never in the history of our nation was there a more trying and critical period that that which succeeded the Revolution. The treasury was exhausted, Agriculture had been neglected, communication between foreign nations had been interrupted, public and private debts were pressing upon the people, and gradually confidence between man and man had been destroyed. They were bound by a Confederation which was utterly unable to increase the revenue, enforce laws or perform any of the functions of a healthy government. Already the murmer of discontent was heard throughout the land, and many even preferred a monarchy to a Republic with such mismanagement. They had built and launched the Ship of State, but she was drifting without a rudder. Then it was that the wise and good assembled at Philadelphia & after a protracted session produced that memorable Constitution. A Constitution <4> which has been the nucleus of our liberty, a guide for our actions, and though rebelled against and sneered at by some, it is esteemed by us as one of the proudest monuments of the departed great. As State after State acknowledged the utility and merit of the Constitution, there was a marked change in the affairs of the Nation. The sword was turned into the ploughshare and the most active in war became the most diligent in peace developing the resources of the Country. Public confidence was restored, Commerce was revived, and religion and industry occupied the hearts and hands of the people. From this period we can readily mark the progress of our Country, her march has been ever onward and upward. Ushered into existence by the Master Spirits of the Revolution, reared by the prayers and tears of a freedom loving people, it has so grown as to now stand preeminent among the nations of the world. But it has not reached its present elevation without many a hard fought intellectual and moral battle, nor without many of the civil strifes which are ever attendant upon a Republican Government. Yet America has always come forth unscathed, after the severest political contentions when the strongest passions of the human soul have been agitated, there has always appeared a calm, in which past differences have been <5> overlooked, old wounds healed, and the nation glided on again with redoubled vigor rendered stronger by the contest.

            There are times in the lives of every individual when it seems as if the trials and burdens heaped upon him would crush him to the earth, then it is that he must struggle, and if successful, he comes forth a new man. So it is with a nation, it can not always move on quietly, with nothing to stir up its depths and bring out its latent talent. It must have some agitation. The history of the world shows this. Agitation has ever gone hand in hand with reform, and never has any great and rapid progress been made with out it.

            It was the fearless truths promulgated by Martin Luther which so agitated Europe as to cause that great and beneficial Reformation. A Reformation whose influence is not yet stayed, but which rather increases as Centuries roll on, and whose confines will be marked by eternity alone. And that nation which passes along from year to year with nothing to agitate the minds of the people, with no great and noble aims in view, must gradually sink into the effeminacy of wealth or the degradation of vice. Agitation is the vitality of a nation, what the sap is to a tree, <6> the blood to man. Thus it is that the various struggles, which have disturbed our Country at times, have given tone and vigor to our National character.

            The monarchs of the Old World have hoped & prayed for our destruction, yet we still stand. They see in us the champions of freedom, the living examples of self government. Our faults have been magnified, our trials have been placed in a false light, lest their own subjects imitating our example should wish to break from their despotic sway. We have shown that power when vested in the hands of an intelligent people is as secure as when held by proud potentates. A Government has been here established which is looked up to by lovers of freedom throughout the world. Already has a voice been borne across the waters and the cry of Hungary has been heard within our borders. To us did a Kossuth come with his matchless eloquence to present to us the claims of his afflicted countrymen.[3] He departed with our warmest sympathy, and with all the assistance which America as a neutral power could give him. Italy too now stretches forth her hands, and though unable to interfere as a nation, yet she like all struggling humanity finds <7> the hearts of American citizens ever ready to sympathize with them and willing hands to assist them in their efforts. If not at all times able to fight their battles, yet if they are conquered our ports are always open and ready to receive them. Here they find a home where their rights are respected, and where by diligence they may attain a degree of affluence.

            Though on this Anniversary day I would present the brightest picture to your view, yet America like all else human has not arrived to a degree of perfection. Here as every where there are men without principle, who would sell their Country to advance their own interests and like Esau would even sell themselves for a consideration. Such men are intimately connected with Politics in its most disgusting aspects, they fight for themselves & their party, not for the good of their fellows or for the establishment of any permanent principles. It is from these persons that we hear the cries of disunion, which at times sweep over our land. And we are sorry to say that at the present time, there are many of the more sensible and intelligent, who have heard this cry so much as to believe it. But I trust that the sound strikes upon your ears as did the British balls upon the cotton bales of <8> New Orleans, only to rebound.[4] It would seem strange to talk of disunion to you, whose very town is named in honor of one of those illustrious men, around whom cluster such sacred and pleasant recollections. To you born and reared amidst these hills, which are such happy attendants of freedom, and in whose breasts the sentiment of patriotism has been so carefully instilled. Yet you though confident of the permanence of our Institutions, are well aware that when the power rests with the people, the masses must learn to think and the opinions thus formed are as different as numerous.

            Many and varied have been the interests and measures which have tended at times to distract the Union. Yet that which exerts the most powerful influence in this direction at present, is the much talked of, hard headed, “irrepressible negro.” Long since has he drawn the line of demarcation between the leading parties of the day, and lately has been bold enough to exercise his splitting propensities upon the National Democracy. The cries of distress, which were sent forth as that body was torn asunder, are still ringing in our ears. The death knell is sounded and the Union “still lives.” Thus it is that though <9> the subject of Slavery is constantly agitating the minds of the people, and their opinions are wholly at variance, yet there are many important elements which tend to bind them together. And we are all hoping for a time when these elements shall so combine as to form one universal sentiment with regard to Slavery. When the North shall not only use their voices, but their hearts and their money if necessary in behalf of the oppressed. When the South shall not only feel the injustice of their “peculiar institution” but shall see that interest alone requires them to unite in making this a truly free and independent nation.

            We are in the midst of a Presidential Campaign, one of those seasons which coming once in four years agitates the Country from circumference to centre. A time when party strife runs high, and which is esteemed by foreign powers as detrimental to our best interests. But it has its advantages. If an Administration like the present one, is corrupt, diseased and dying, it gives to the people an opportunity to erect a monument to its memory and number it as among the things that were. It puts life and thought into the people, and gives them an occasion to consider well the merits of him <10> who they would raise to the Presidential chair. With four candidates in the field there must necessarily be some disappointment when the contest is ended. But if the successful man proves to be honest and consistent, the influential of each party will unite in ascribing him praise. The heart of the nation will again throb vigorously and steadily, and its life blood pure and warm will be sent through every nerve and artery in our vast domain.

            Though as has been said there are many things in our national affairs to regret— How much have we to rejoice at in the present aspect of our country. From those few setlers on these shores we have become one of the most influential and wealthy nations, among the powers that are. Agriculture, instead of being confined to the ignorant and unskilful, commands the attention of the educated and refined. Commerce too has extended her domain, and there is scarcely a port in the whole civilized world which had not recognized with pleasure the stars and stripes of the American flag. Industry rules supreme, Canals and Rail Roads divide the country in every section, while upon the bosoms of our Lakes and Rivers are seen proudly riding Steamboats and vessels of every kind freighted with the fruits of our labors. The Arts and Sciences formerly <11> neglected, now receive their devotees in every department, who are ardent supporters & expounders of those subjects which the wise have so long studied. Education also that great promoter of freedom has here its warmest advocates. Schools and colleges have sprung into existence on every side, giving to the poorest an opportunity to obtain that knowledge which in other climes he would be deprived of. Poets, Scholars and Authors have arisen, whose names are among the most distinguished in literary circles, whose writings have done much to perpetuate our language and to establish a National Literature. The Christian religion too, for the free enjoyment of which our forefathers left the Old World, has now extended throughout our land. Here it is that the hand of the persecutor is not raised, but each citizen can worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience, “with none to molest or make him afraid.”

            Thus have we endeavored to bring before your minds, some of the most striking advantages of our Country, and to preset but few of its more glaring defects. And why should we not? If you were invited to celebrate the birthday of a friend, you would not malicously remind <12> him of all the unpleasant acts of his life, but would rather speak of his great and noble deeds. So let us treat our Country, and on this the 84th birthday of our Nationality, let us remember kindly her faults and dwell with pleasure on her glories. Standing as we do on this high vantage ground, we can look back gratified with her past, and can only hope that her future may be as honorable and successful. And in saying Godspeed to our country, we can but repeat the words of Longfellow, who after addressing a ship just launched upon the boundless deep, turning to the Union, says,

            “Thou, too, sail on, O Ship of State!

            Sail on, O Union, strong and great!

            Humanity with all its fears,

            With all the hopes of future years,

            Is hanging breathless on thy fate!

            We know what master laid thy keel,

            What workmen wrought thy ribs of steel,

            Who made each mast, and sail, and rope,

            What anvils rang, what hammers beat,

            In what a forge, and what a heat,

            Were shaped the anchors of thy hope.” <13>

            “Fear not each sudden sound and shock;

            ’Tis of the wave, and not the rock;

            ’Tis but the flapping of the sail,

            And not a rent made by the gale.

            Spite of rock and tempest roar,

            In spite of false lights on the shore

            Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea:

            Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears,

            Our faith triumphant o’er our fears,

            Are all with thee – are all with thee.”[5]


[1] Howard H. Martin, “The Fourth of July Oration,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 44 (1958): 393.

[2] Edward Everett, An Address Delivered Before the Citizens of Worcester, on the Fourth of July, 1833, 6.

[3] Lajos Kossuth (1802-1894) was a Hungarian nobleman who became Governor-President of the Kingdom of Hungary during the brief revolution of 1848-1849 against Austrian rule. From December 1851 to July 1852, he toured the United States, meeting with President Millard Fillmore and addressing a joint session of Congress.

[4] A reference to the Battle of New Orleans in January 1815 at the end of the War of 1812. Americans initially used cotton bales as barricades, but soon discovered that British fire dislodged the bales and their own return fire often set them on fire, creating blinding and foul-smelling smoke. The bales were brought to the rear, and used as mattresses. The use of cotton bales for defense during the principal battle of January 8, 1815, is a persistent myth.

[5] Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, “O Ship of State” (1850).


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