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Rare Houston Texas Newspapers: the Juneteenth Order Freeing Slaves, Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation, and Much More
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The people of Texas are informed that, in accordance with a proclamation from the Executive of the United States, all slaves are free. This involves an absolute equality of [personal]rights and rights of property, between former masters and slaves and the connection heretofore existing between them, becomes that between employer and free laborer.

According to historian Henry Louis Gates, Juneteenth, first celebrated in 1866, initially was an “occasion for gathering lost family members” and “measuring progress against freedom.”[1] In 1980, Juneteenth became aholiday in Texas, the first emancipation celebration granted official state recognition, through the efforts of legislator Al Edwards. Juneteenth is now aholiday in the District of Columbia and forty-seven states—all but Hawaii, North Dakota, and South Dakota.

[1]Henry Louis Gates, “What is Juneteenth?” June 17, 2013, The Root.

Juneteenth. Newspaper. Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph, July 19, 1865. Newspaper. Houston, TX: E. H. Cushing. 4 pp., folio. Partial loss of up to two lines at bottom, but not touching the full printing of the Emancipation Proclamation, issued by Lincoln on January 1, 1863 (p3/c2) or Union General Gordon Granger’s June 19, 1865 order implementing it. With Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph, July 15, 1863, with belated printing of the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, issued by Lincoln on September 22, 1862.

Inventory #26129       ON HOLD

The Juneteenth Order Freeing Slaves

Granger’s General Orders No. 3, issued at the direction of Major General Philip Sheridan, declared all enslaved African Americans in Texas to be free of their bondage. Based on this order, “Juneteenth” celebrations began in Texas the next year.


Complete Transcript of Granger’s General Orders No. 3

                                                            Headquarters District of Texas, Galveston June 19, 1865.


            The people of Texas are informed that in accordance with a Proclamation from the Executive of the United States, all slaves are free. This involves an absolute equality of [personal] rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves, and the connection heretofore existing between them becomes that between employer and free laborer. The freedmen are advised to remain at their present homes and work for wages.  They are informed that they will not be allowed to collect at military posts, and that they will not be supported in idleness, either there or elsewhere. By order of

                                                                                    G. GRANGER

            (Signed)                                              Major General Commanding.

F. W. Emery, Major & A. A. Gen’l. (p3/c5)


After also printing Granger’s General Orders 2, 4, 6, and 9, issued through July 6, the paper adds several orders of Colonel George Washington Clark, 34th Iowa Volunteer Infantry, who commanded the Post of Houston. 


Complete Transcript of Clark’s General Orders No. 3

            Headquarters, Post of Houston, June 22d, 1865.

General Orders, No. 3.  [By coincidence the same number as Granger’s order]

            The freedmen in and around the city of Houston are hereby directed to remain for the time being with their former owners. They are assured that by so doing they forfeit none of their rights of freedom. An agent of the government, whose business it is to superintend the making of contracts between the freedmen and those who desire to employ them, is expected here soon.  In the meantime the freedmen are advised to be patient and industrious.

            No encouragement or protection will be given to those who abandon their present homes for the purpose of idleness. If found in this city without employment or visible means of support, they will be put to labor cleaning the streets, without compensation.

            The Provost Marshal is charged with the execution of this order. By order of  

                                                                                    Colonel G. W. Clark.(p3/c5)


Excerpts from Front Page Report on “Our Military Terms with the Rebels”

(reprinted from the Army and Navy Journal)  “Thirty-seven persons are said to have been indicted fortreason in the United States District Court, sitting at Norfolk, Va. In the list occur the following names of the general officers of the late Confederate Army:—R. E. Lee, Cooper, Ewell, Longstreet, Early, Hampton Mahone, Fitzhugh Lee, G. W. C. Lee, W. H. F. Lee, Wise and Corse. Hardly two months before that indictment was framed, these officers capitulated to Lieutenant-General Grant and Major General Sherman, on the express agreement of these commanders—an agreement never disavowed by their Government unto this day—that ‘each officer and man will be allowed to return to their homes, not to be disturbed by the United States authority so long as they observe their parole and the laws in force where they may reside.’ On what rightful authority are the above named offices selected from an agreement which embraced ‘every officer and man,’ after they had returned to their homes according to the stipulation?... Upon what principle of justice or of honor do we violate our pledge to them?” (p1/c4)

In the surrender in question there was a special reason for giving terms as generous as Grant gave, and which makes it clear that we had our quid pro quo. Lee’s surrender was felt to be the entering wedge to rive the stubborn Confederacy; and so it proved. It directly forced the capitulation of the three other great armies, without the exchange of a shot, and of every armed Rebel from Virginia to Texas.” (p1/c4)

Let us not violate our pledges to the conquered, in the face of the world and of history. We do not ask leniency to traitors; we would not too readily restore to the Rebels all their rights as citizens: we simply speak in the interest of the national honor which, whether wisely or not, has been solemnly pledged to the armies of the Rebellion.” (p1/c5-6)


Additional Content

This issue also includes much fascinating material, including an editorial on southern women who “cannot cease to mourn their dead—their dead sons, their dead country, their dead hope” (p2/c1-2); an editorial on the importance of black labor: “Although the negroes are emancipated, and property to the extent of their value at once destroyed, yet the South would soon be able to recover from the staggering effects of the double blow of the war and of the abolition of slavery, if the labor of the blacks could be made reliable” (p2/c3); an editorial introduction of the Emancipation Proclamation “for the information of those who have not heretofore had an opportunity of reading it, and, indeed for the information of all our people, many of whom have doubtless forgotten its provisions.. .. it was also an embracement of the opportunity of war to do that which the Northern anti-slavery party always secretly intended to do, some how or other, though they always disavowed it” (p2/c4); several editorials on the current state of affairs: “Our great generals, such as Lee, Johnston, Beauregard, Bragg, Hood, Longstreet, Hardee, Forrest; our leading civilians, governors, senators, congressmen, and the leading journalists,; and the bishops and chief pastors of the churches all over the land; all earnestly advise those who have been accustomed to obey their orders; or follow their counsels, to yield allegiance to the Union in good faith, and to unite together to restore peace and prosperity once more to our long distracted and nearly destroyed country” (p4/c1); and “It is fixed as the fiat of fate that no Southern State will be permitted to take its place in the Union again, as a co-equal political power, during the present administration, if ever, until it has accepted the abolition of slavery, pure and simple, as a finality” (p4/c2); a racist account from a New York newspaper of the murder of two children in Massachusetts by a reporter “strongly persuaded that that murderer was a negro” (p4/c3); and a variety of advertisements, many by commission merchants.


The Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation—ten months after it had been issued

In addition to the July 19 Houston printing of the Juneteenth order we are including the July 15 issue of the same newspaper, publishing the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation ten months after it had been issued.

TheJuly 15, 1863 issue of The Tri-Weekly Telegraph reprints the preliminary Emancipation Proclamationwith two letters from British Chargé d’Affaires William Stuart in Washington to British Foreign Secretary Earl Russell (1792-1878) in London. Stuart enclosed the preliminary proclamation, taken from a September 23, 1862, issue of the National Intelligencer, with the second letter (p1/c5).

This issue also includes confirmation of the death of Stonewall Jackson (p1/c1); a defiant editorial: “If we are right in our conjecture, we shall hear of wonderful progress being very soon made towards closing up this war. We have said we must not despair of the Republic. Why need we think of it when our prospect brightens so in the East [before news of Gettysburg]? Whatever disasters come upon us; whatever troubles we have to endure, our faith in God is firm and steadfast. We believe He will bring us out of this war in His own time conquerors, and establish our country as one of the most favored of Heaven on the face of the earth. Let us believe it. Let us pray for it! Let us fight for it!” (p2/c1); news “BY PONY EXPRESS” that Vicksburg had fallen (p2/c4) and of “Gen. Lee’s Great Victory” (Gettysburg) (p2/c4); notice of the sale of fifty-five African American slaves (p2/c6); a $50 reward offered for the return of a runaway 26-year-old enslaved “boy” named Abe (p2/c6); a $50 reward for the return of “my negro man JOHN,” a 28-year-old enslaved blacksmith, who was likely trying to return to his wife and family in Louisiana (p1/c6); and an advertisement for a substitute “to go into the most desirable regiment in the Confederacy” (p1/c6).


Historical Background – the Big Picture

Robert E. Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia at Appomattox Courthouse on April 9, 1865, but large Confederate armies remained in the field even after Lincoln was assassinated on April 15.  The Civil War’s last battle was fought at Palmito Ranch in Texas, on May 12-13, after President Andrew Johnson’s declaration that the rebellion’s armed resistance had “virtually” ceased. On May 26, 1865, Confederate Lieutenant General Simon Bolivar Buckner, on behalf of Lieutenant General Edmund Kirby Smith, negotiated terms of surrender with Major General Edward R. S. Canby at New Orleans. One week later, on June 2, Smith officially surrendered the Department of the Trans-Mississippi to General Canby aboard the USS Fort Jackson just outside the harbor of Galveston, Texas. Smith immediately fled for Mexico and then Cuba. For the next several weeks, Texas was in chaos.

Disorganized mobs of Confederate soldiers took arms and ammunition from arsenals, and Confederate General Joseph Shelby, contrary to the terms of surrender, led 3,000 men into Mexico. Many Texans remained defiant, and some vowed to fight to the death. In early June, Major General Philip H. Sheridan arrived in New Orleans to take command of the Union forces assigned to occupy Texas and Louisiana. Sheridan selected Major General Gordon Granger and the veteran XIII Corps to spearhead the occupation of Texas.

In a letter dated June 13, Sheridan instructed Granger, “On your arrival at Galveston, assume command of all troops in the State of Texas; carry out the conditions of the surrender of General Kirby Smith to Major-General Canby; notify the people of Texas that in accordance with the existing proclamation from the Executive of the United States ‘all slaves are free;’ advise all such freedmen that they must remain at home; that they will not be allowed to collect at military posts, and will not be supported in idleness. Notify the people of Texas that all acts of the Governor and Legislature of Texas since the ordinance of secession are illegitimate. Take such steps as in your judgment are most conducive to the restoration of law and order and the return of the State to her true allegiance to the United States Government.”[1]

On Sunday, June 18, Granger arrived with 1,800 troops to occupy Galveston. He assumed command of all federal troops in the state, which he designated the Department of Texas. The next day, under his directions from Sheridan, Granger issued five general orders. The first two established his authority over all Federal forces in Texas. The fourth voided all actions of the Texas government during the rebellion, and asserted Federal control over all public assets within the state. The fifth made the Quartermaster Department the sole authorized buyer of cotton until U.S. Treasury agents arrived. No. 3 famously announced the liberation of all slaves in Texas.

It is important to note that in order to survive judicial and political opposition, Lincoln had carefully applied the Emancipation Proclamation only to areas that were then in rebellion. So, even with freedom declared in Texas, slavery was not entirely outlawed until the 13th Amendment was ratified on December 6, 1865.


Texas in the Civil War

Texas seceded on February 1, 1861, and joined the Confederate States on March 2, after it replaced Governor Sam Houston, who refused to take an oath of allegiance to the Confederacy.

Over 70,000 Texans served in the Confederate army, in every major battle throughout the war. “The Texas Brigade” under the command of John Bell Hood was one of Robert E. Lee’s most reliable forces. They suffered severe casualties in a number of fights, most notably at the Battle of Antietam (which finally gave Lincoln the victory he needed to issue the Emancipation Proclamation), where they faced off with Wisconsin’s Iron Brigade, and at Gettysburg.

On the other side, more than 2,000 Texas men joined the Union Army, including future governor Edmund J. Davis.

A Confederate soldier from Texas, asked for the reason for fighting, he said of the Confederacy, “we are fighting for our property” while Union soldiers were fighting for the “flimsy and abstract idea that a negro is equal to an Anglo.”[2]

Texas did not experience many significant battles. Union attempts to capture the “Trans-Mississippi” regions from 1862 until the war’s end mainly failed. Under the Anaconda Plan, for four years, the Union Navy blockaded Galveston and the entire Gulf and South Atlantic coasts. Federal troops occupied Galveston for three months in late 1862, but Confederate troops recaptured it on January 1, 1863 (the day Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation); it remained in Confederate hands until the end of the war.

In 1863, the Rio Grande Expedition, led by General Nathaniel P. Banks, attempted to secure the ports near Brownsville, pushing 100 miles in-land to impede the flow of cotton that was making its way past the blockade. Federal forces captured Port Lavaca, Indianola, and Brownsville, but failed in attempts on Laredo, Corpus Christi, and Sabine Pass. By the end of the war, only Brazos Island and El Paso were in Union hands. The last battle of the Civil War took place at Palmito Ranch, near Brownsville, on May 12-13, 1865.

Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph(1855-1870s). Begun as the Telegraph and Texas Register in San Felipe de Austin in 1835, the newspaper move to Houston in 1837. Edward H. Cushing (1829-1879), a Dartmouth-educated teacher, took over publication in 1856 and retitled it the Tri-Weekly Telegraph. In 1860, Cushing supported John C. Breckinridge for president and enthusiastically supported the Confederacy. Cushing established a pony-express route between Houston and Confederate army headquarters in Louisiana to obtain the latest news. By 1864, he renamed the newspaper the Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph, but it never ceased publication though Cushing occasionally had to print on butcher’s paper or wallpaper to keep the press running. During Reconstruction, Cushing opposed “carpetbaggers.” Military Governor Edmund J. Davis urged President Andrew Johnson not to pardon Cushing but to hang him. Cushing also published a weekly version of the Telegraph. He sold the paper in 1869, and purchased a wholesale and retail book and stationery business.


Publication of the Emancipation Proclamation in Texas

The Tri-Weekly Telegraph had discussed the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, which Lincoln issued on September 22, 1862, as early as its October 8th issue. On October 24, the editor declared that at a time when President Lincoln needed the border states “more than ever, he throws them overboard by issuing his emancipation proclamation, thus at one leap openly casting himself clear away from the Constitution, and setting up his own will above all its sacred guaranties. What madness could be more manifest?”

In November, the Tri-Weekly Telegraph published European commentary on the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, and on February 2, 1863, the newspaper printed the entire text of the final Emancipation Proclamation, issued on January 1.


Gordon Granger(1821-1876) was born in New York and graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1845. Granger received two citations for gallantry during the Mexican War, then served on the western frontier in Oregon and Texas. Early in the Civil War, Granger was cited for gallantry at the Battle of Wilson’s Creek and made commander of the St. Louis Arsenal. In November 1861, he became colonel of the 2nd Michigan Cavalry, and was promoted to brigadier general of volunteers in March 1862. After more experience in the western theater at New Madrid and Corinth, Granger was promoted to major general of volunteers and took command of the Army of Kentucky. Merged into the Army of the Cumberland as the Reserve Corps, Granger’s corps distinguished itself at the Battle of Chickamauga in September 1863, blunting the Confederate advance. Granger gained fame with the IV Corps of the Army of the Cumberland in the Third Battle of Chattanooga, breaking through the Confederate center and forcing their retreat into Georgia. Granger led ground forces that captured key forts at the mouth of Mobile Bay. When the war ended, Granger took command of the Department of Texas. After mustering out of the volunteer service, Granger remained in the Army and commanded the District of New Mexico from 1871 to 1873 and again from 1875 until his death.


Philip H. Sheridan(1831-1888) was born in New York and grew up in Ohio. He graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1853, after a year-long suspension for fighting with and threatening to kill a classmate. After service on the western frontier, Sheridan became a staff officer to Henry W. Halleck in St. Louis for the first year of the Civil War. In May 1862, he was appointed as colonel. He was then promoted to brigadier general commanding a division in the Army of the Ohio. After the Battle of Stones River, Sheridan was promoted to major general, and impressed Ulysses S. Grant with his pursuit of the Confederates at the Third Battle of Chattanooga. Grant brought Sheridan east to command the Cavalry Corps of the Army of the Potomac. In May 1864, he led a raid against Richmond that mortally wounded Confederate cavalry commander J. E. B. Stuart and defeated Fitzhugh Lee, but left Grant without cavalry intelligence during his battles with Lee. Still, Grant appointed Sheridan to command the Middle Military Division in the Shenandoah Valley, where he defeated Jubal Early’s forces and destroyed barns, mills, factories, and railroads. Promoted to major general, early in 1865, Sheridan relentlessly pursued Robert E. Lee’s retreating Army of Northern Virginia after Petersburg. On May 17, 1865, Grant appointed Sheridan as commander of the Military District of the Southwest, where he secured control of Louisiana and Texas.

After the war, in March 1867, Sheridan became the military governor of the Fifth Military District (Louisiana and Texas). He removed local and state officials who were implicated in the July 1866 New Orleans Massacre, or who generally opposed Reconstruction, making him very unpopular in the South and with President Andrew Johnson, who fired him. In August 1867, President Grant appointed Sheridan as commander of the Department of the Missouri and ordered him to “pacify” the Plains. He had a Native American mistress in the 1850s, but may have coined the phrase “the only good Indian is a dead Indian.” In 1875 he married a white woman 22 years his junior, and had four children with her. In 1883, he succeeded General William T. Sherman as Commanding General of the U.S. Army and held that position until his death. 


George Washington Clark(1833-1898) was born in Indiana and graduated from Wabash College before beginning to practice law in Iowa. He was commissioned as a 1st lieutenant in 1861. He resigned in July 1862. That October, Governor Samuel Kirkwood appointed Clark as colonel of the 34th Iowa Infantry, which he led in the Vicksburg campaign, the Battle of Brownsville, the Battle of Fort Blakely, and the siege of Fort Morgan during the Battle of Mobile Bay. His regiment was among the first federal troops to enter Texas through Galveston, and Clark led them to Houston, where he took command of the city. He was mustered out of the service with his regiment in Houston on August 15, 1865. In July 1868, General E. R. S. Canby appointed Clark as mayor of Charleston, South Carolina, a position he held until May 1869, when the South Carolina Supreme Court confirmed the results of an election Clark had lost to Gilbert Pillsbury in November 1868.


The Freedmen’s Bureau

Created by Congress in 1865, the bureau was to provide temporary assistance with education, negotiation of labor contracts, settling legal and criminal disputes, food, medical care and transportation. Never given sufficient resources, the agency had fewer than 900 agents to cover the entire South devastated by the war, malnutrition, cholera, yellow fever, and a smallpox epidemic. The bureau planned to distribute land confiscated from Confederates to the freedmen, but President Johnson revoked the little land redistribution that took place when he pardoned thousands of former Confederates, restoring not just their political rights but also their estates.

To replace that land, Congress in 1866 passed the Southern Homestead Act, setting aside more than three million acres of public land for blacks as well as white southerners who had remained loyal. Much of the land was unsuitable for farming, though. The bureau, despite good intentions at the start, quickly took a stronger role in forcing freedmen to sign labor contracts with white landowners. As previewed here, those who refused could be arrested. The contracts required a full year of labor, with no right to quit or to strike, and often with no cash wages. By the 1870s, sharecropping dominated southern agriculture. Freedmen worked in families, not directly under white supervision but certainly under white control. The landowner provided seed, tools, fertilizer, and work animals if possible, and the black family was to receive a third of the crop, though they had no power to fight when they were cheated.


Freedom and Free Labor

When comparing official transcriptions of the Juneteenth Granger order and this newspaper, we found a few errors and at least one major point of variance, using the words “free laborer” vs. “hired labor” vs. “hired laborer.”  Perhaps the original draft of the order emphasized free status, while the final draft stresses their need to be “hired.” Though it is possible that simple human error in the copying caused unintended changes in the text, this does offer an interesting commentary on the intersection of liberation and coercion, paternalism and racism present in white attitudes towards emancipation.

In either case, that phrase in the Juneteenth order follows, and differs from the Emancipation Proclamation and text of the 13th Amendment in interesting ways.


From the Emancipation Proclamation

By virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be free; and that the Executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons…” 

Though not often quoted, the next paragraph is the most revolutionary part of the document:

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages....

Could there be any more fundamental right than that of self-defense and self-ownership?

For the first time, the federal government was charged with guaranteeing the freedom of African Americans. The final Proclamation also eliminated references to the colonization of freed blacks and to compensation to slave owners for voluntary emancipation. This was the antithesis of the 1857 Supreme Court decision in Dred Scott v. Sanford. Overturning the Missouri Compromise, and ignoring the Founders’ understanding that slavery would eventually be limited, Chief Justice Roger Taney’s majority opinion went so far as to declare that African Americans, “regarded as beings of an inferior order,” had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect.”

Lincoln had left politics after serving one term in the U.S. House of Representatives, but returned with a redoubled opposition to the expansion of slavery after the 1854 Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and became a leader in the new Republican party due in part toDred Scott. Still, when he assumed the Presidency, he had literally no power to touch slavery. By the summer of 1862, though Lincoln believed that curtailing slavery not only was becoming possible, but necessary to tear down the chief pillar of the Confederacy. He carefully designed the Emancipation Proclamation to give the measure the best chance of surviving constitutional challenge as a war measure, exempting not just the Border States, but all areas formerly in the Confederacy that were under the control of Union military forces.

Lincoln rightly regarded the Emancipation Proclamation as “the central act of my administration, and the great event of the nineteenth century.” Perhaps no one understood the implications better than Frederick Douglass, who went from being an opponent to marveling at the changes brought about by Lincoln’s act, immediately grasping long-term consequences.

Slavery is now in law, as in fact, a system of lawless violence, against which the slave may lawfully defend himself.…The change in attitude of the Government is vast and startling. For more than sixty years the Federal Government has been little better than a stupendous engine of Slavery and oppression, through which Slavery has ruled us, as with a rod of iron.… Assuming that our Government and people will sustain the President and the Proclamation, we can scarcely conceive of a more complete revolution in the position of a nation.… I hail it as the doom of Slavery in all the States.[3]

Despite the political risks, by 1864, Lincoln insisted on reunion, emancipation and an amendment outlawing slavery as preconditions to any peace negotiation.


From the 13th Amendment, passed in Congress Jan 31, 1865, ratified December 6, 1865

 “Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction.” 


To see more history about Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation

I. Lincoln’s Evolving Stance on Emancipation

II. The Myth of Non-Emancipation

III. The Proclamation and Black Troops

IV. The Political Risk of Emancipation

V. Lincoln, Slavery, and the Declaration of Independence: Toward Resolution

VI. Affirming Slavery’s Role in Precipitating the War

VII. Appendix I: The Leland-Boker “Authorized Edition” of the Emancipation Proclamation

VIII. Appendix II: Manuscripts and Other Signed Editions of the Emancipation Proclamation

IX. Appendix III: Slavery and Emancipation in American History

X. References


Notes on Variant Texts: “free laborer” vs. “hired labor” vs. “hired laborer”

The freedpeople no longer “belonged” to anyone, yet white southerners and many Union officers and soldiers retained the language of bondage.  On June 27, the New Orleans Times quoted approvingly the Houston Daily Telegraph of June 20:

“We hear the Federal authorities at Galveston are bringing the negroes to common sense in a summary way. They call them up, one by one, and ask who they belong to. Those who tell the truth are sent home at once, while those who acknowledge no home or master are put to work on the streets and on other labor, under the control of the military authorities. Negroes who flatter themselves that the new regime has no labor connected with it will make a grievous mistake.”[4]


When comparing transcriptions of the orders and this newspaper, we found several errors and at least one major variant. Most sources render the second sentence as: “This involves an absolute equality of personal rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves, and the connection heretofore existing between them becomes that between employer and hired labor.

This Houston newspaper prints it as: “This involves an absolute equality of rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves, and the connection heretofore existing between them becomes that between employer and free laborer.

·   General Orders No. 3, June 19, 1865 [the original order’s date; it isn’t clear when this copy was entered], RG 393, Part II, Entry 5543 District of Texas, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, DC; published in The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1881-1901), Series 1, Volume 48, Part 2: Correspondence, 929. “hired labor”

·   The Galveston Daily News(TX), June 21, 1865, 1:2. “hired labor”

·   “Military Orders” Broadside, ca. June 25, 1865.  “free laborer” (this may have been the source for the printing in this newspaper, or they may have a common source).

·   The New Orleans Times, June 27, 1865, 8:1. “hired laborer”

·   New Orleans Tribune, June 28, 1865, 2:2. “hired laborer”

·   The Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph, June 28, 1865, 1:1. “free laborer”

·   The Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph, June 28, 1865, 1:4. “hired laborer”

·   Dallas Herald(TX), July 1, 1865, 2:3. “hired labor”

·   The Evening Post (New York), July 6, 1865, 4th ed., 4:4. “hired laborer”

·   The Brooklyn Daily Union (NY), July 7, 1865, 4th ed., 2:1. “hired labor”

·   Cincinnati Daily Commercial, July 7, 1865, 1:4. “hired laborer”

·   New York Times, July 7, 1865, 1:5. “hired labor”

·   The Philadelphia Inquirer, July 8, 1865, 2:5. “hired laborer”

·   Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph, July 12, 1865, 3:2. “free laborer”

Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph, July 19, 1865, 3:5. “free laborer”

[1]The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1881-1901), Series 1, Volume 48, Part 2: Correspondence, 866-67.

[2]James M. McPherson, For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War(New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 117.

[3]Frederick Douglass, Speech at Cooper Institute, February 6, 1863, Douglass’ Monthly (Rochester, NY), March 1863, 804.

[4]The New-Orleans Times, June 27, 1865, 1:6.

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